The October 29, 1961 election in Greece is the foremost historical example of a rigged vote. In the preceding election, the Centre had collapsed and the Left EDA party had risen to second place, provoking panicky reactions from the Greek establishment and the transatlantic rulers. A ruthless campaign of terror against the Left ensued, emanating from the palace and executed by the army, the gendarmerie and various thugs connected to the security aparatus . Across the country, several people died. Come election day, more than 400.000 people voted twice. Those who violated the popular will did not even care to cover their tracks, registering, for example 218 policemen as residents of a single family house. In the end of the day, the red menace was successfully contained, while the conservative ERE of Constantinos Caramanlis (uncle of the 2004-2009 prime minister bearing the same name) prevailed. A period of instability followed, leading to the colonels’ coup in 1967.
Half a century later, Greece witnesses post-modern attempts at vote rigging, whose nature is very different but no less important for that matter. Utter voter contempt for the local subservient political class forced the foreign powers to conduct the campaign against the Greek left all by themselves. Nightly newscasts, whose spin makes of Brezniev’s Isvestia an example of pluralism, feature not Samaras, nor Bakoyianni or Venizelos, but rather Merkel, Hollande and Obama. Never again , not even in the darkest years following the civil war was there such a concerted campaign, led by all major powers, geared at preventing a Left election win. Greek construction magnates, media barons and shipowners in control of the “news” agenda are thoughtless enablers, parroting whatever black propaganda the Nea Dimocratia spin doctors come up with.
The arsenal of economic terrorism employed in these elections is sure to enter the curriculum of future political science classes. Brussels showed the way by clipping 1 billion from the last loan tranche, so as to disrupt cash flow, leaving cancer patients without medicine and warning indigenous tribes “to vote for the right people, so as not to go hungry”.
We will very soon find out whether this “Shock and Awe” campaign has played out as planned. In any case, it is only a foretaste of things to come. This hot summer could bring a replay of the turbulent political clashes of July 1965, only much fiercer. Irrespective of the very important issue of who wins Sundays election , the vote will be deeply polarizing, both politically and socially, as the working class and the simple people gravitate towards the Left, while the establishment and the petite bourgeoisie rally behind the most blatantly anti-communist, authoritarian-verging-on-fascist Right of the post- 1974 era. The dynamics of this polarization are all the more explosive as the Center, which in the past served as a conduit for radicalism lies, at least for the time being, in tatters. Most important, the rulers are now unable to soothe public anger with a few concessions here or there. Quite the opposite. The day after the elections, if New Democracy forms the backbone of the new government, new harsh measures will visit upon Greece a humanitarian crisis comparable to Russia under Yeltsin.
What should have been the Left’s (SYRiZA, KKE, ANTARSYA) common answer to the combination of terror tactics and wishful thinking (exemplified by the fallacy that “all will turn out well, as long as we are being responsible and not provocative”). First of all, the Left should have said loud and clear that in a few months’ time, Greece may be forced out of the euro, no matter who forms the next government, since the eurozone may collapse under its internal contradictions. With so many countries flocking to the Rescue Mechanism these days, it is highly doubtful whether Germany is politically and financially strong enough to save them. So instead of futile and self-defeating assurances about Greece’s stay in the euro, Syriza should point to the wider crisis in order to prepare the electorate for the eventuality of life outside the euro, even if this is not its preferred option. Alexis Tsipras made this clear only these past days, displaying much more political courage than most of his comrades and temporary allies.
Even if Germany decides, for its own reasons, to save the eurozone for now, the price Greece would have to pay would exceed by far the costs of an exit. The much touted German plan for a banking, fiscal and political union, presented by the establishment as the way towards the “United States of Europe” is unlikely to be accepted by France and other core countries and will turn out to be a nightmare. It will entail the transformation of Europe into a German empire, as pointed out, very realistically, by George Soros. Having lost control of its banking system and its finances, Greece will tomorrow be just as sovereign and just as important as occupied Puerto Rico is to the USA.
As for breathing space, for a “milder” economic policy, Angela Merkel s’ cynicism was crystal clear. She recently pointed out that whichever government is formed in Greece, the loan agreement terms must be fully implemented, irrespective of their efficiency as crisis fighting measures, only to serve as an example to other European states. The clash with the European Union in the event of the formation of a Left wing government in Greece is thus certain – not because the Syriza program is too far to the left, but because the historical crisis of capitalism and the eurozone is pushing the ruling powers too far to the right. In the probable event of a New Democracy win, the completely pliant political class will have to swallow its timid “renegotiation” mumblings and get ready for a violent clash with the people.
It remains to be seen whether the entire Greek Left will draw the relevant conclusions, whether it will overcome its illusions and its divisions and form the necessary popular and democratic front, all the way up from community level to the central political arena, in order to win the next round, which will come sooner rather than later. If it succeedst, it will turn a momentary electoral defeat into a strategic victory for Greece and its people. If not, it will betray the hopes of an entire generation.
translation: Eurydice Bersi