Συνάντηση Φάμελλου με τον πρόεδρο του ΔΣΑ – «Να στηρίξουμε τις Ανεξάρτητες Αρχές, να σταματήσουμε την υποβάθμιση του κράτους δικαίου»

Illiberal Democracy in Hungary: The Social Background and Practical Steps of Building an Illiberal State

(...) Based on the findings of empirical studies, it may be concluded that Hungarians consider economic well-being and financial security to be as much an integral part of democracy as free elections, the institution of the popular vote and civil liberties. When evaluating the quality of democracy, economic and social factors play an even more important role in the eyes of citizens than the liberties related to democracy (...)

while in 1990 there was general enthusiasm (80% in support) for a transition to capitalism in Hungary, by 2009 only 46% of the respondents approved of the changes, meaning that in two decades support for the economic changes dropped by almost 50% (Pew Research Center, 2009). Of all the former Eastern Bloc countries Hungary is the most dissatisfied with the current capitalist system; in 2009 72% believed that the country was worse off economically than under the socialist regime. It is worth noting here that in 2009 Hungary experienced a period of deep economic and political crisis that may also account for the overwhelmingly negative attitudes. (...)

In a speech delivered at the 25th Bálványos Free Summer University located in Romania’s Transylvania region, in front of an audience primarily made up of ethnic Hungarians, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán declared that Hungary had abandoned the liberal principles of societal organisation and, inspired by today’s “international stars” such as China, Singapore, Turkey and Russia, would adopt an illiberal form of governance (Orbán, 2014). Orbán reasoned that as liberalism promotes the selfish interests of – often unpatriotic – individuals, only an illiberal democracy can devotedly serve the general interest of the whole nation.

Orbán’s own understanding of illiberal democracy is most likely a combination of certain socioeconomic and political objectives. As he noted, he envisions a work-based society in which holding down a job will be paramount, implying that those who cannot or do not want to work will forfeit certain rights. He was most likely drawing on his oft-repeated admiration for what he broadly calls the Asian model, by which he means high levels of social discipline and low levels of public dissent. Based on Fidesz’s actual policies, it is also fair to deduce that illiberal democracy also features measures aimed at eliminating checks on executive powers and limiting, through a variety of means rarely employed in Western democracies, genuine opportunities for opposition voices to be heard.

This chimes with a key feature in Fareed Zakaria’s original version of illiberal democracy (Zakaria, 1997). A liberal democracy imagines inherent and substantial limits on the powers of a temporary majority to prevent a “tyranny of the majority,” while Fidesz’s interpretation allows very few such limitations. (...)

https://www.cidob.org/en/articulos/monografias/illiberals/illiberal_democracy_in_hungary_the_social_background_and_practical_steps_of_building_an_illiberal_state

Διαφωνώ. Αυτό που θα καταφέρεις είναι να εκθέσεις ακόμη περισσότερο αυτές τις μειονότητες στις ορέξεις ενός ανεξέλεγκτου απολυταρχικού καθεστώτος, τα οποία συνήθως ευνοούνται από τον απομονωτισμό και μάλιστα σε πολλές περιπτώσεις τον επιδιώκουν. Ο διεθνισμός και η αλληλεπίδραση μεταξύ των λαών είναι το κλειδί για την πρόοδο, όπως δείχνει και η Κούβα. Ό,τι είχα γράψει και για την περίπτωση της Λευκορωσίας.

https://thepressproject.gr/ti-nomimotita-epikaleitai-o-loukasenko-kai-antidra-gia-tis-kyroseis-tis-ee/#commento

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