“We'll use our democratic rights!” chanted the crowd in the Turkish coastal city of Izmir last Friday. “we are in this fight for you, let us walk” they continued as they were attacked with water-cannon by police 'Toma' vehicles in the manner people here have come to expect. “Keep away from our Schools” said some of the placards held by thousands of protesters marching towards Konak Square, in the center of the city. Similar scenes were seen in Istanbul, Ankara, and other cities around Turkey. Signs were put up in many schools nationwide – “there is a strike today”. 
 
A sense of creeping Islamisation in Turkish schools has brought a number of concerned citizens together to protest against the government, who are in no mood to listen. Scores of people have been arrested, and four individuals involved in the protests and strikes have been charged with 'insulting the President' – currently a common method of keeping opposition voices quiet – and will face incarceration or hefty fines if found guilty. So who are these people who are willing to face such disturbing consequences?
 
The protests seemed to be composed of students, parents, teachers and activists, and were organised by a mix of secular groups, teacher unionists and religious minority groups. “We are against the governance of education by religious rules,” says Ilknur Birol, spokeswoman for the “Don't Touch My School” parental movement. “This system is not rooted in youth with a forward-looking perspective enlightened by science, but in a generation that values obedience.” Union leader Serdar Batur speaks of “a violation of freedom of religion and conscience”.
 
Education in Turkey, although generally not as decent as in EU countries, has made some very impressive strides since the AKP's arrival in 2002. Pisa, an OECD program dedicated to measuring effectiveness in state education around the world, shows healthy improvements in Turkey's state education sector as of 2012. Scores in science and mathematics have increased. Twice as many students go to high school as before, university numbers have risen, and more teachers are employed. Class sizes are still the largest in Europe, but are getting smaller, while government spending per student doubled between 2000 and 2010. Investment in schools in poor areas has increased, and an impressive 83% of students reported being happy in school. So have things changed since these results were published almost three years ago? 
 
“We will raise a religious generation” said Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then Turkey's Prime Minister, in 2012. “When there is no such thing as religious culture and moral education, serious social problems such as drug addiction and racism fill the gap,” he added last year. And since 2012, the government has been making some effort to increase the influence of Islam within the state education sector, starting with a much-needed lifting of a headscarf ban in state universities. Another way has been by increasing the numbers of religious – “Imam Hatip” schools, from which Erdoğan himself attended.
 
Imam Hatip means 'The one who conducts the Friday sermons'. Students in these schools have around thirteen hours a week of religious instruction, on top of Arabic classes and general education. Boys are girls are taught separately. A law passed in 2012 meant that, in short, Imam Hatip graduates were able to join prestigious universities, and students were given permission to join these schools from 5th grade instead of 9th grade. Too young, claim secularists.
 
On top of this, extra funding was given to Imam Hatip schools, enticing students with free transport and meals. Partially as a result of these enticements, students studying at these schools have risen to around half a million, from just around 65,000 when AKP came to power in 2002.
 
Reports suggest that these schools are well funded and teach a relatively moderate form of Islam. Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu points out “If a proper religious culture had been taught (in schools) in the countries surrounding us, certain developments would never have taken place,” – an apparent reference to the violence being committed by radical groups such as Islamic State. Defenders of Imam Hatip schools say that the curriculum helps ensure religion and modernity can go hand in hand.
 
But not everybody is happy. Funds have been diverted to Imam Hatip schools, while many normal schools, or parts of schools, have been forcibly converted. This means many students have no option but to attend religious schools, and find themselves learning about Sunni Islam instead of, say, English, Mathematics and Science. Downsized regular state schools soon run out of pupil places, and students living in the wrong area or who get the wrong grades have nowhere else to turn. Many students have been forced to travel very far to their nearest non-religious school, or be forced to pay for private education. Last year, 40,000 students had to attend Imam Hatip schools against their wishes. 
 
Even students who avoid religious schools are finding it more difficult to avoid the tightening grip of Islam in schools. Alevi Muslims, who make up around 15-20% of the Turkish population, have had to fight the government through the European Court of Human Rights to avoid having their children taught the strictly sectarian, Sunni version of Islam. “This is a forced course about the Sunni sect,” says Ali Kenanoglu, chairman of the Hubyar Sultan Alevi Cultural Association.
 
Secularists are also concerned about religion being taught to students at an ever-younger age. Islam will now be taught in primary schools, and the government is appealing to the European Court of Human Rights to allow more mandatory religion classes for students of all ages. While this is common in many countries, the discussion is particularly impassioned in Turkey. 
 
“The discussion has become very emotional” says Batuhan Aydagül, director of the Education Reform Initiative, an independent thinktank. “Sadly it distracts from all the urgent issues concerning education in Turkey, such as drop-out rates, quality of teaching or the insufficient number of school buildings”. Perhaps these emotions are understandable when put into the context of Turkish modern history.
 
Since 1923, Turkey has been characterised by secularist and religious leaders seeking hegemony over the other and allowing no discussion or dissent. For example, until two years ago, women wearing headscarves were not allowed to enter public universities. This current promotion of Islam by the AKP-led government may be seen as a settling of ideological scores. 
 
Most Turks seem to give reverence to God or to Ataturk. Any sort of middle ground, or understanding of another position, has historically been rejected. Turkish people, and their governments need to learn to find common ground with one another. The water-cannoning, arresting, fining and incarcerating of protesters might suggest that this government, like many others before, are in no mood for discussion.